I - Platform for Ordnance built on the hill,
1620
December 28,
1620 - Edward Winslow and William Bradford
Thursday,
the 28th December, so many as could went to work on the hill where we purposed to
build our platform for our ordnance, and which doth command all the plain
and the bay, and from whence we may see far into the sea, and might be easier
impaled, having two rows of houses and a fair street.
"A
Relation or Journal of the Proceedings of the Plantation settled at Plymouth in
New England," attributed to Edward Winslow and William Bradford. In Dwight
B. Heath (Ed.), Mourt's
Relation (London 1622), (Bedford,
Mass, Applewood, 1963), p. 42.
Friday,
January 16, 1621
[After
a report that there were twelve Indians marching toward the plantation, and they
saw a great fire which they made that night, and also had tools stolen in the
woods by the Indians] This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep more
strict watch, and to make our pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture
and rain were out of temper.
Ibid., p. 49
Saturday,
January 17, 1621
After
hearing "noise of a great many more [savages] behind the hill [over
against our plantation], This caused us to plant our great ordnance in places
most convenient.
Ibid.
Wednesday,
February 21, 1621
.
. . the master came on shore with many of his sailors, and brought with him one
of the great pieces, called a minion [a cannon with 33 inch bore, firing 2 lb shot], and helped us to draw it up the
hill, with another piece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a saller [a
misprint for saker, a cannon with 4 inch bore, firing a six pound shot], and
two bases [small cannons with 13 inch bore, firing 2lb shot].
Ibid., p. 50
22 March 1621
Peace Treaty made with Massasoit, chief Sachem of the Wampanoag.
Ibid., pp. 55-59
II - Town impaled, February-March 1622
In November 1621,
the Fortune arrived with thirty-five new colonists, plus Robert Cushman
who returned to England a month later. They found only fifty of the
original passengers on the Mayflower had survived, so numbers in the
colony now increased to eighty-five. Twenty-one of the remaining Mayflower
passengers were men, and there were six young adult males, plus twenty-six men
who came on the Fortune, effectively fifty-three men who could have been
involved in building the palisade to fortify the town.
Richard M. Candee, in his "A Documentary History of Plymouth
Colony Architecture, 1620-1700," refers to a description in the Plymouth
Town Records, MSS., vol. I, p. 146, in the office of the Plymouth Town Clerk,
in which there is a description "later in the century" of a palisade such
as the one built around the town in 1622. It "was made of sharpened pales
102 feet long, buried 22 feet in the ground, and backed two against a
third, and set >against a post and a Raile" (Old-Time New England, vol. 59,
no. 3, 1969, pp. 63 and note 23, p. 70).
December
1621/January 1622? - William Bradford
Soon
after the ship's departure [the Fortune, which sailed
from Plymouth on 13 December 1621, according to Captain John Smith in New
Englands Trials (Barbour), vol. 1, p. 430], that great people of the
Narragansetts, in a braving manner, sent a messenger unto them with a bundle of
arrows tied about with a great snake skin, which their interpreters told them
was a threatening and a challenge . . .
But
this made them the more carefully to look to themselves, so as they agreed
to enclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in
convenient places with gates to shut, which were every night locked, and a
watch kept; and when need required, there was also warding in the daytime.
And the company was by the Captain's and the Governor's advice divided into four squadrons, and everyone had their quarter
appointed them unto which they were to repair upon any sudden alarm. And if
there should be any cry of fire, a company were appointed for a guard, with
muskets, whilst others quenched the same, to prevent Indian treachery. This was
accomplished very cheerfully, and the town impaled round by the beginning of
March, in which every family had a pretty garden plot secured.
William
Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, Samuel Eliot Morison, (Ed.), (New
York: Knopf, 1952), p. 97.
February 1622
- Edward Winslow
[Marginal date]
In the mean time, knowing our own weakness,
notwithstanding our high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying
open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our arms,
we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all expedition
we accomplished in the month of February, and some few days, taking in the top
of the hill under which our town is seated; making four bulwarks or jetties
without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole
town; in three whereof are gates, and the fourth in time to be.
Edward
Winslow, Good Newes from New England (London 1624). In Alexander Young, Chronicles
of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of
Plymouth from 1602 to 1625 (Boston: Little and Brown, 1841), p. 284.
February, 1622
- Thomas Prince, based on William Bradford
This
[the threat from the Narragansett] makes us more carefully to look to
ourselves, and agree to enclose our dwellings with strong pales, flankers,
gates. February [1622]. We impale our town, taking in the top of
the hill under which our town is seated, make four bulwarks or jetties, whence
we can defend the whole town; in three whereof are gates, which are locked
every night; a watch and ward kept in the day. The Governor and Captain divide
the Company into four squadrons with commanders; every one his quarter assigned
to repair to, in any alarm. And if there be a cry of "Fire!" a
company is appointed for a guard, with muskets, while others quench it, to
prevent treachery.
Thomas
Prince, A Chronological History of New-England, in the form of Annals
(Boston, N.E., 1736) (Edinburgh, Private printing, 1887-88), vol. 3, p. 53.
Beginning of
March [1622]
By this time our town is impaled; enclosing a garden for every family.
Ibid., p. 55
March 1622 -
Edward Winslow [Marginal
date]
Following a
discussion as to whether or not it was the right time to send an expedition to
trade with the Massachusetts
[We]
came to this conclusion; that as hitherto, upon all occasions between them and
us, we had ever manifested undaunted courage and resolution, so it would not
now stand with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town .
. .
Winslow, Good Newes., p. 286.
III - Building of the Fort, June 1622 - March 1623
1622
The deaths of 347
English settlers in Virginia on March 22, 1622, that took place during the uprising of the Powhattan under the
leadership of Opechancanough, have been believed to be the reason for the
building of the fort at Plymouth. It seems clear, though, that it was the
threat of attack from the Narragansett and the Wampanoag which was the initial
motivation for building the fort, strongly reinforced by the news from
Jamestown. It is not clear as to when the letter from Captain John Huddleston,
warning the Plymouth colonists of the massacre, was received. All we know is
that it arrived "amidst these straits" (the arrival of Weston's sixty settlers at the end of July and early
August 1622, and increasing famine), via a "boat which came from the
eastward . . . from a stranger of whose name they had never heard before, being
a captain of a ship come there a-fishing." Bradford then reprints the
letter, from John Huddleston, whom Morison notes was master of the Bona Nova
of 200 tons. Huddleston gave the Plymouth settlers warning of the massacre by
Indians which had taken place in Virginia of 400 English. Winslow was sent to
meet Huddleston with a letter of appreciation from the Governor, and to ask for
any food supplies which he could spare, and Huddleston provided what he could.
It was not a great deal, and was given out as daily rations, but it sustained
them until harvest, giving the inhabitants a quarter of a pound of bread per
day per person, supplemented by whatever else they could get.
This summer they built a fort with good timber, both strong and comely,
which was of good defense, made with a flat roof and battlements, on which
their ordnance were mounted, and where they kept constant watch, especially in
time of danger. It served them also for a meeting house and was fitted accordingly
for that use. It was a great
work for them in this weakness and time of wants, but the danger of the time
required it; and both the continual rumors of the fears from the Indians here,
especially the Narragansetts, and also the hearing of that great massacre in
Virginia, made all hands willing to dispatch the same.
Bradford,
Of Plymouth Plantation,
p.111
June 1622 -
Edward Winslow [Marginal
date]
Winslow puts the
start of the fort in June 1622. This was before the arrival of the Charity and
the Swan in late July and early August with Weston's sixty "lusty" men on board, who
spent the summer in Plymouth. Phineas Pratt and six others of Weston's colonists, sent on ahead, arrived in
Plymouth on a shallop from the Sparrow, with three seamen on May 31,
1622. After escorting Winslow and others to the Sparrow in the hope of
obtaining some food for the colony, it has been thought that the seven returned
and remained in Plymouth until the Charity and Swan arrived and
the search for a suitable site for a colony began in earnest. Finally all
Weston's settlers moved to Wessagusset or Weymouth
at the end of the summer, after causing the Plymouth colonists considerable
trouble. It is doubtful as to whether any of the sixty assisted in building the
fort, although it is possible that Pratt and his six companions could have done
so before the arrival of the two ships, increasing the number available to
build the fort to sixty. Pratt evidently formed close ties with the town,
returning in March 1623 to warn them of the intention of the Indians to
massacre them after wiping out the Wessagusset settlement.
In
the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen [Monhegan], the
Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our
weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off. Now also
Massassowat {Massasoit] seemed to frown on us, and neither came or sent to us
as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of fortification. And
whereas we have a hill called the Mount, enclosed within our pale, under
which our town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence
a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians can make,
whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. This work was begun with
great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being
once finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage
the savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though
it took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, life
being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof for our
further preservation.
Winslow, Good Newes, p. 295.
August 1622
The Discovery
stopped at Plymouth sometime in August, 1622. It carried John Pory as a
passenger en route to England from Virginia, at the end of his
three-year term as Secretary to the Governor and Council of Virginia. There is
no date given for when the ship called at Plymouth, but Pory wrote to Governor
Bradford after leaving, in a letter dated August 28, 1622 (Bradford, p.113), so
his visit would have been after the town was enclosed by a palisade, but before
the fort was completed, and so although the Southampton letter was written some
months later, it refers to some time in the summer of 1622. Pory's description of Plymouth, from which this
excerpt is taken, is the first of three written by visitors to the new
settlement that have survived. A fourth was published by Captain John Smith in
1624, based on a description by someone
other than himself. Smith was familiar with Plymouth as it was prior to the
settlers arrival in 1620, as he visited it briefly on his voyage of exploration
around the coast in 1614. He did not, however, return to New England after his
departure and the publication of his discoveries in 1616, despite considerable
efforts made to do so, including offering his services to the Leiden leaders.
They chose instead to hire Captain Myles Standish and make use of Smith's published maps.
January 13,
1623 - John Pory to the Earl of Southampton
Now
concerning the quality of the people . . . their industry as well appeareth by
their building, as by a substantial palisado about their [town] of 2700 foot
in compass, stronger than I have seen any in Virginia, and lastly by a
blockhouse which they have erected in the highest place of the town to mount
their ordnance upon, from whence they may command all the harbour.
Three
Visitors to Early Plymouth: Letters about the Pilgrim Settlement in New England
during its First Seven Years, by John
Pory, Emmanuel Altham, and Isaack de Rasieres. Sydney V. James, Jr. (Ed.),
(Bedford, Mass.: Applewood, 1997), p. 11.
October, 1622
- Edward Winslow
Winslow mentions
that Weston's larger ship, the Charity, returned
to England at the end of September, 1622, leaving the Swan with his
colony at Wessagusset for their use. The new colonists there wished to go into
partnership with Plymouth to trade for corn, and twice Standish set out to
travel with them, but violent storms prevented the Swan from proceeding,
and then he became very ill. Winslow then refers to the impact which building
the fort had upon the little community at Plymouth.
By
reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater than formerly,
partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend much time in
fortification, but especially because such havoc was made of that little we
had, through the unjust and dishonest carriage of those people before mentioned
[Weston's colonists], at our first entertainment of
them,) our Governor [Bradford] in his own person supplied the Captain's place {that of Standish]; and in the month
of November, again set forth, having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot .
. .
Winslow, Good Newes, p. 300
March 1623 -
Edward Winslow [Marginal
date]
Now was our fort made fit for service, and some ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work, it being
ten months since it begun . . . amongst us divers seeing the work prove
tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flattering themselves with peace
and security, and accounting it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory,
than simple necessity.
Ibid., p. 335.
Less than a year
after Pory wrote to the Earl of Southampton, his description was corroborated
by Emmanuel Altham in a letter to his brother in September, 1623. Altham was
one of the merchant adventurers who had invested in the New Plymouth Company, and
Captain of the Little James, the pinnace which the Company sent to
Plymouth for fish and fur trading.
September,
1623 - Emmanuel Altham to Sir Edward Altham,
.
. . And now to come more nearer to that I intend to write of, and first of the
situation of the place C I mean the plantation at Patuxet [Indian name for Plymouth]. It is
well situated upon a high hill close unto the seaside, and very commodious for
shipping to come unto them. In this plantation is about twenty houses, for or
five of which are very fair and pleasant, and the rest (as time will serve)
shall be made better. And this town is in such manner that it makes a great
street between the houses, and at the upper end of the town there is a
strong fort, both by nature and art, with six pieces of reasonable good
artillery mounted thereon; in which fort is continual watch, so that no
Indian can come near thereabouts but he is presently seen. This town is
paled about with pale of eight foot long, or thereabouts, and in the pale are
three great gates.
Three Visitors, p.
24
1624 - Captain
John Smith,
In 1624, a
description of Plymouth that includes references to its fortification was
published by Captain John Smith. Although best known for his critical role in
the development of the English colony at Jamestown, including his rescue by
Pocahontas from execution at the hands of Chief Powhatan, John Smith was no
stranger to New England. In fact, it was he who gave that name to the region.
He first published the result of his 1614 explorations on land and coastal
survey in his Description of New England (London, 1616). It includes a
Map of New England which he had presented to Prince Charles, son of James I,
"humbly entreating his Highnesse hee would please to change their
barbarous names for such English, as posteritie might say Prince Charles was their
God-father . . ." Among the twenty-nine places renamed was Accomack, which
was given the new name of Plimoth by the Prince, later marked on the map as New
Plimoth. The account that follows is from Smith's General History of Virginia, the Summer Isles and New England.
At
New-Plimoth there is about 180 persons, some cattle and goats, but many swine
and poultry, 32 dwelling houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last winter, and the
value of five hundred pounds in other goods. The town is impaled about half
a mile in compass. In the town upon a high mount they have a fort well built
with wood, loam and stone, where is planted their ordnance; also a fair
watchtower, partly framed, for the sentinel. . .
The Generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England . . . In Philip L. Barbour (Ed.) The
Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631) (Chapel Hill, The
University of North Carolina Press for The Institute of Early American History
and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, 1986), vol. 2, p. 472.
ca. 1628 - Isaac
de Rasieres to Samuel Blommaert
A fourth description
of Plymouth in its early years comes to us from a letter written by Isaack de
Rasieres, chief Trading Agent for the Dutch West India Company as well as
Secretary to the Director-General of New Netherland, who visited Plymouth in
1627. His is the most detailed description of the four, and the part that
refers to Plymouth's
fortification is as follows:
New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill
stretching east towards the sea-coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot
of 800 feet long, leading down the hill; with a [street] crossing in the
middle, northwards to the rivulet and southwards to the land.[1]
The houses are constructed of clapboards, with gardens also enclosed behind and
at the sides with clapboards, so that their houses and courtyards are arranged
in very good order, with a stockade against sudden attack; and at the ends
of the streets there are three wooden gates. In the center, on the cross
street, stands the Governor's house [Bradford], before which is a square stockade upon which four
patereros are mounted, so as to enfilade the streets. Upon the hill they have a large square
house with a flat roof, built of thick sawn planks stayed with oak beams, upon
the top of which they have six cannon, which shoot iron balls of four and
five pounds, and command the surrounding country. The lower part they use for
their church, where they preach on Sundays and the usual holidays. . . .
Three Visitors, pp.
75-76
This fort stood
until 1634, when in March a building contract was drawn up with Thomas Boardman
for the construction of a new fort, to be completed by the end of May 1635. See
The Records of
the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff and David Pulsifer (William White,
1855-61; AMS Press, 1968), vol. 1, pp.
33-34.
[1] In the text published in Three Visitors to Early
Plymouth, there is a footnote, #29, inserted at this point. It reads: "He reverses the actual
bearings; and the street first mentioned was longer, 1,150 feet.
[J.F.J.]" J.F.J. are the initials
of J.F. Jameson, editor of Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 in
which de Rasieres' letter to Samuel Blommaert was first published in
1909.